Atheist Spirituality: Reflections on André Compte-Sponville’s L’Esprit de l’athéisme: Introduction à une spiritualité sans Dieu

Ehsan Sheikholharam, Kennesaw State University

Keywords: atheist spirituality, laïcité, pluralist ethics, post-Christian Europe


It’s not surprising to hear that someone identifies as Jewish, while not believing in a transcendental God. Likewise, it’s not unlikely to hear that some Muslims don’t observe daily prayers or believe in the Day of Judgement. The categories “cultural Muslim” or “secular Jew” are well established and widely used. But what about “athée fidèle,” or faithful atheist? What are the implications of declaring oneself atheist, while also remaining faithful to Christianity as a tradition?

In his 2006 publication, L’Esprit de l’athéisme: Introduction à une spiritualité sans Dieu, French philosopher André Comte-Sponville presents his case for spirituality without God. One does not need to throw out the baby of culture with the bathwater of organized religion. For Comte-Sponville, Christianity is not simply a religion among the rest. It represents a vast philosophical, literary, and social tradition that can still offer valuable intellectual and moral resources for life in the 21st century.

Unlike the populist claims about the decadence of the Judeo-Christian civilization by thinkers such as Michel Onfray, or the xenophobic framings of Islam as the civilizational Other of Christianity by Marcel Gauchet, Comte-Sponville’s The Spirit of Atheism takes on an optimistic and positive tone. It draws on diverse cultural, spiritual, and intellectual traditions of Europe to build a new re-enchanted collectivity.

André Comte-Sponville’s advocacy for reframing Christianity as a tradition worth defending emerged out of his worries about two tendencies in secularized France. First, the disoriented youth—who no longer believe in a religion—often face difficulties in finding a moral compass. Second, the historical process of secularization (laïcisation) did not eliminate religion. Instead, it created disembodied religiosity: beliefs without collective rituals or public presence. This forcing out of religion from the public sphere contributed to the rise of new forms of extremism and religious fundamentalism.

Even before the post-colonial growth of Islam in Europe, the continent’s intellectual and cultural traditions were diverse, and to a certain degree, contradictory. From Greek paganism to Israelite monotheism, from the Talmudic Law to Epicurean hedonism, and from the Inquisitions to the Enlightenment, European heritage encompasses elements that are not oriented towards a singular nexus. Within this mixed heritage however, some commentators have traced lines of continuity — as reflected in the hyphenated term “Greco-Judeo-Christian.”  

Today however, many have suggested that this civilizational lineage is in a state of decline. Statistics point to the waning of church attendance on the one hand, and the emergence of new forms of religiosity, on the other. Many of the latter exhibit tendencies towards obscurantism and fanaticism. To ‘save’ the intellectual, cultural, and spiritual heritages of Europe, André Comte-Sponville embraces Christianity as a repository of ethical values worth preserving. Unlike the paranoid and xenophobic outcries of far-right voices in France demanding a return to the “Judeo-Christian roots,” Comte-Sponville doesn’t subscribe to the essentialization of the tradition. He keeps the genealogy open and invites a pluralist reading of Europe’s history. Europe is inevitably becoming more diverse, ethnically and culturally. The book is a remedy for his compatriots who are troubled by the unraveling of their national, ethnic, and cultural identities. It offers those anxious about the presence of other cultural expressions, especially immigrant identities, to feel grounded in Europe’s larger civilizational substance.

Would a French adolescent who visits the Louvre today still recognize any Christian symbolism in the paintings of Raphael or Michelangelo? Probably not; and for Comte-Sponville, this is a consequential loss.

By setting aside confessional religions as well as a religiosity embedded in the belief in a transcendental divinity, Comte-Sponville’s “Godless” spirituality presents a vision of reenchanted collectivity that is more open, tolerant, and resourceful. What is important here, is that his version of atheist spirituality doesn’t discard aspects of culture only because they carry vestiges of religion. He regards Christianity as the repository of diverse moral values and civilizational resources of the West, especially Europe. Yet one does not need to believe in Christian God to engage with cultural and spiritual resources associated with Christianity.

Proponents of the “secularization thesis” professed that with Europe’s progress towards rationalization, religious authority (and religions more broadly) would decline from the public, political life. It is naïve, however, to declare their prophecy readily bankrupt. While certain types of religious commitments are in decline, other forms are on the rise—especially when one compares the decline in church attendance with accounts of religious violence. Furthermore, with the rise of anxieties over ethnic identities, religious sentiments lend themselves to forms of communitarianism. On the one extreme, there are metonymies of white, conservative, ultra-nationalist, neoliberal, anti-immigrant politics; on the other, Salafist, Islamist, and separationist outcries. Comte-Sponville bemoans that new religious phenomena lean toward obscurantism, dogmatism, and fundamentalism. To save Europe and its Enlightenment heritage from both of these tendencies, one does not need to fight religion as such. To the contrary, the Judeo-Christian tradition, according to him, can serve as a repository of cultural and civilizational resources that can foster more open forms of shared values and collective identities. Comte-Sponville underlines values such as compassion, humility, and fraternity without falling into traps of identity politics. On a more practical level, he advocates for teaching religion in public schools solely as a historical and social phenomenon. Enshrined in the principle of laïcité and freedom of conscience, this secular education will help to restore a sense of collective heritage beyond race, ethnicity, or any other exclusionary categories.

Religio, religare or religio, relegere?

Comte-Sponville draws on different etymologies of religion to make a case for his atheist spirituality. In the first formulation, he traces religio to religare and the French relier. Religion in this sense operates as a social bond and offers common values necessary for social cohesion. Secondly, he examines religio in connection to the Latin relegere, connoting the act of reverent and contemplative reading. In this latter sense, religion is akin to the love of a Logos. Using these definitions, then, Comte-Sponville’s privileges the joy of life over religion of fear and persecution, communion over sectarianism, loyalty to ethical values over blind faith, and love over otherworldly hopes and despair.

To popularize his pluralist ethics, Comte-Sponville evokes binary choices that are difficult to disagree with. Across cultures, he suggests, courage is valued over cowardice, sincerity over lies, and kindness over cruelty. His atheist spirituality, therefore, is a patchwork of “values” woven from diverse religious cultures.

But should the universal horizon of understanding be built upon religious values? Can foundational values capable of fostering social cohesion be made up of “secular” elements such as equality between the sexes, the chance to participate in democracy, or the right to secular education? Such questions are – at their root – political questions. Which history should be included in public schools: the history of Christianity or civilizational exchanges across religions/cultures? In short, is European democracy a product of the Enlightenment’s critique of religion or a historicist development of Christianity itself?

Closing Thoughts

L’Esprit de l’athéisme inspires readers to formulate new questions surrounding the role of religion in public life. Can Europe rely on something other than religion to create a shared horizon of history and a foundation for cultivating social cohesion? Isn’t Europe’s legacy in music, literature, philosophy, and architecture powerful enough to serve such a purpose?

On a material level, Comte-Sponville doesn’t assign Christianity the task of building social solidarity. He doesn’t trust charity—whether individual acts of generosity or organized religious giving—as a means of ensuring everyone’s right to a dignified life in a capitalist society structured around individual and egoist interests. Instead, he urges his compatriots to defend collective solidarity as expressed in the state’s social programs. It is primarily in building a shared symbolic horizon that he promotes critical engagements with Judeo-Christian tradition.

But has not the time come to find new horizons? For many, the call has long been overdue. Alain Badiou, for example, reformulates the concept of neighborhood to envision new forms of collectivity organized on porous boundaries and shared experiences. Bruno Latour, Michel Serres, and Philip Descola, for their part, advocate for new modes of collectivity and social contracts that recognize the Earth and “all the Living” as subjects of right and collective decisions.

Contrary to self-serving oppositional framings of Islam versus the West, Comte-Sponville’s philosophy promotes trans-civilizational affinities. To highlight shared horizons, he elaborates how Spinoza’s notion of immanence resonates with key elements of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism. In formulating a “wisdom for our times,” Comte-Sponville selectively connects these dots in surprising but delightful fashion. Andre Comte-Sponville’s philosophical project is complex, nuanced, and at times ambivalent. While this brief reflection cannot capture the depth and breadth of his thinking, I hope that this piece sparks your interest in learning more about this work.


Ehsan Sheikholharam has a multidisciplinary background in architecture, religious studies, and philosophy. He holds a Ph.D. in Religious Studies from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and a terminal degree in Architecture from the University of Miami. He has also served as the Coordinator of Religion and Public Life fellowship at the Kenan Institute for Ethics at Duke University. Building on his diverse scholarly and cultural identity, Ehsan’s work cuts through key questions in the Humanities and design disciplines, including representations of minority identities in public space and critical cultural productions in the Global South. He is currently an Assistant Professor of Architecture at KSU.


‘Christianity Showed Its Face’: The Role of Power in the Process of Christian Exiting and Formation as a Religious None

Tess Starman, Howard University

Keywords: secularization, politicized religion, deconstruction, deconversion


U.S. Christianity has seen a sharp decline in affiliation over the last 20 years. Scholars have often associated this decline with the growing secularization of society and other forces including industrialization, rationalization, and urbanization.[i] However, one alternative explanation for religious decline is the concept of political backlash, positing that Christianity’s growing conservativeness has led moderates and liberals to reject religion.[ii] Given the increasing association of Christianity with republicanism in the public square and growing nationalism, I aimed to see how political backlash might be at play in Christianity’s accelerating decline in the United States.  

My work aims to test how Christianity’s maintenance and support of larger societal systems of inequality have contributed to disaffiliation and deconversion. My larger dissertation study answers several research questions: (1) What is the process of leaving Christianity, and how does Christianity’s maintenance of power systems impact this process? and (2) How do ex-Christians form their social and political identity after leaving religion? Here I present three key findings from preliminary analysis of interviews with 58 ex-Christians.

Building Discontentment

Participants were overwhelmingly committed Christians who had robust knowledge of tradition and scripture. This commitment to their religion led most to explore inconsistencies from a young age. For many, their questions date back to learning about the biblical creation story. A biblically literal seven-day creation story conflicted with what they learned about in library books and science classes. When Matt (a 30-something Black male ex-Evangelical) learned about the creation story, he recalls asking his pastor, “but what about the dinosaurs?” Matt felt disappointed in the reductionistic answer from his pastor: “well they just must not have made it onto the arc.” He also felt this answer did not match with an image of God as master and creator of all things. Why create dinosaurs, only to have them die in the flood?

Other commonly discussed sources of discontent amongst participants were a lack of women in leadership and anti-LGBTQ sentiment. Jules (a 30-something white female ex-Mainline protestant) noted her discontentment with the role of women in her church:

“There were no women in “real” leadership roles, like the only woman ‘leader’ was the worship pastor who was also the lead pastor’s wife… But they never let women preach. It always bothered me, but not enough to say something about it, like I get you using the bible and this tradition of patriarchy to justify these gender roles.”

These topics were early and ongoing sources of discomfort with religion. Questions or inconsistencies themselves were just one side of the discontentment coin; the other side was that religious authorities lacked in-depth critical engagement with these issues. Nearly all participants attempted to reconcile these feelings of tension on their own, engaging in a deeper study of scripture and church history. In other words, their initial response was not to pull away, but to lean in.

Pivotal Movement  

While attempts to reconcile inconsistencies and discontentment varied, all participants came to a pivotal moment where they felt they could no longer be part of Christianity. Oftentimes, this moment was neither large nor devastating, but simply one final straw that broke the camel’s back. Rose (a 30-something white female ex-Evangelical) shared her pivotal moment:

“I was invited to dinner at this church family’s house. I had been to dinner there several times and they were so inclusive of me as a single person in the church. I had known them for maybe 4-5 years at this point. When we’re getting ready to sit down for dinner, [the son] looked at me and said, ’I am missing a $20 from my wallet… did you take it? No, [he laughed] you didn’t take my money, you’re not Black.’ and I was appalled…It was willful ignorance, and that, coupled with everything else, was the turning point for me.”

Like Rose, many participants’ pivotal moments revolved around maintenance of systems of power, or more specifically, Christianity’s support of sexism, heteronormativity, racism, and conservative-bent nationalism. Sometimes moments came in direct response to an event, but other moments were smaller, internal dialogues. Amber’s (a 30-something white female Ex-Mainline) pivotal moment occurred when reading an article about Christian support of Trump before the 2020 election and thinking, “this is not my religion.” Avery (a 20-something Black gender queer ex-Evangelical) described a similar moment before the 2016 election: “Evangelical Christianity showed its face, and I couldn’t be a part of it anymore.” A seemingly decisive moment came after years of trying to see love and goodness in what they described as a “toxic religion.” Carlos (a 30-something Latino) eloquently described this process as an avalanche. All of the questions, problems, and tensions were not individually enough to walk away. But eventually one more light snowfall creates an avalanche, thus dismantling a mountain of faith.

Political and Social Formation as a None

Since leaving Christianity, participants shared that they feel more free to express progressive and liberal social attitudes. Many participants noted their direct support for abortion access, the Black Lives Matter movement, belief in gender equity, support for LGBTQIA+ rights, and many more progressive and contrarian attitudes. Most describe these attitudes as a direct response to their religious socialization, be it an internal response as a coping mechanism or a social response as a form of activism.

Even when Christian, many participants believed in these stances as fundamentally just, but they were not able to express that in their religious context. Others note that they supported and even participated in the pro-life movement and patriarchal and white supremacist structures, but after leaving their religion, they reassessed and changed their stances on these topics. Many are taking intentional efforts to engage in the political process or social movements to try and undo some of the wrong they believed they did while Christian. Some attended women’s marches and free Palestine rallies, while others found smaller forms of resistance, like assessing their household’s gendered division of labor.

Each participant’s social and political formation as a non-religious person is complex, with many seeking mental health services and communities of other ex-Christians for support. Leaving religion is greater than leaving a community. It involves leaving a worldview, belief systems, support network, and sometimes, family.  

These preliminary findings lend support to the proposed political backlash concept. The unique politicization and growing ideological conservatism of Christianity in the United States has been a direct catalyst for many to opt out of religion. While each story is unique and nuanced, many formerly devoted Christians recognize recent politicization as an example of Christianity’s use of power to maintain the status quo. Unwilling to be complicit and unable to reconcile this with their lived experiences and surrounding social realities, they feel like they have no option but to leave.


Tess Starman (she/they) is a PhD Candidate in Sociology at Howard University. Her research specializes on intersections of race, gender, sexuality, and power at the nexus of religion and politics. She studies progressive Christian attitudes, religious exiting, and religion’s impact on political attitudes and engagement. Her dissertation, entitled, “A Corrupted Faith: The Role of Power in the Process of Christian Disaffiliation and Rise of the Religious Nones,” examines the religious exiting process and non-religious identity formation of ex-Christians. She serves as the Research Assistant for Howard University’s Initiative on Public Opinion. Tess is the co-chair of the American Sociological Association’s Student Advisory Board and serves on the Pedagogy Committee of Sociological Forum


References

[i] See for example Calhoun, Juergensmeyer, and VanAntwerpen 2011; Kasselstrand, Zuckerman, and Cragun 2023; Voas and Chaves 2016

[ii] See for example Chaves 2017; Fischer and Hout 2008

Calhoun, Craig, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan VanAntwerpen, eds. 2011. Rethinking Secularism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Chaves, Mark A. 2017. American Religion: Contemporary Trends. Second. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Fischer, Claude S., and Michael Hout. 2008. “How Americans Prayed: Religious Diversity and Change.” in Century of Difference: How America Changed in the Last One Hundred Years (The Russell Sage Foundation Census Series), edited by C. S. Fischer and M. Hout. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

Kasselstrand, Isabella, Phil Zuckerman, and Ryan T. Cragun. 2023. Beyond Doubt: The Secularization of Society. New York: NYU Press.

Voas, David, and Mark Chaves. 2016. “Is the United States a Counterexample to the Secularization Thesis?” American Journal of Sociology 121(5):1517–56. doi: 10.1086/684202.