Jonathan Simmons is a sociologist specializing in nonreligion, atheism, and religious change. He holds a PhD from the University of Alberta and is currently on staff at the University of Alberta. Email: jssimmon@ualberta.ca

Keywords: Indigenous nonreligion, atheism, secularism, Canada, spirituality

A common, often unexamined, assumption clouds discussions about Indigenous peoples in Canada: the conflation of Indigeneity and spirituality. This widespread idea suggests Indigenous identity is inherently and uniformly linked to spiritual beliefs and practices. Such a perspective, for example, often assumes universal participation in traditional ceremonies like smudging (a spiritual cleansing ritual) or a ubiquitous belief in a “Creator.” This view frequently overlooks the many Indigenous people who do not hold such beliefs, contributing to what can be termed the “invisible atheism” among Indigenous populations. This conflation creates a significant gap in our understanding and research of Indigenous nonreligion.

To fully appreciate this diverse population, clarifying “Indigenous” in the Canadian context is essential. The term encompasses First Nations, Métis, and Inuit peoples, the original inhabitants of the lands now known as Canada. These diverse nations and communities each possess unique cultures, languages, and histories spanning thousands of years. Understanding this immense cultural richness makes the prevailing research oversight concerning nonreligion all the more striking.

It is this gap that my own work seeks to address. My research, based on in-depth interviews with 18 Indigenous atheists in Canada, specifically challenges the pervasive assumption that Indigenous identity is monolithically spiritual. As I argue, “By overlooking Indigenous nonreligion, scholars not only miss an important aspect of atheist experiences, but they also perpetuate a Western-centric perspective that homogenizes Indigenous people as inherently spiritual and religious” [1]. This post aims to bring some of these research findings to a broader audience.

Data from Canada’s 2021 Census underscores this diversity. Nearly half of Indigenous people reported “No religion and secular perspectives,” a significant increase from 20% in 2011. This category, as Statistics Canada clarifies, includes those identifying as atheist, agnostic, or humanist. In contrast, about 4.5% reported “Traditional (North American Indigenous) spirituality” [2]. These figures clearly demonstrate a substantial and growing nonreligious demographic among Indigenous peoples in Canada. Recognizing this diversity is necessary for supporting Indigenous self-determination. For international readers, this principle affirms the right of Indigenous peoples to freely determine their political status and pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. Indeed, for such self-determination to be authentic and effective, it must be based on an accurate understanding of Indigenous communities in all their variety, including their nonreligious members, ensuring all voices can shape their collective future.

My research identifies various pathways Indigenous individuals take toward nonreligious identities, with intellectual inquiry being one of the most common. Many participants described a process of systematically questioning supernatural claims in favor of scientific or evidence-based explanations. This commitment to a consistent, evidence-based worldview was a core theme. For example, one participant, whose perspective is further detailed in my forthcoming work (Simmons, forthcoming 2026), explained that his sense of intellectual consistency (and humility) required him to examine traditional spiritual claims with the same critical lens he used for Christianity. He felt it would be dishonest to reject one set of beliefs for lacking evidence while accepting another without that same scrutiny [3]. This is not unique to a Canadian context. It in fact strongly parallels recent findings by Rahmani, Adds, and Senanayake (2024) in their work with Māori atheists in Aotearoa New Zealand. They also identified a pattern of “intellectual doubt,” where participants described a similar process of elimination in examining and rejecting religious frameworks [5]. This parallel across different Indigenous communities underscores the significance of this skeptical, evidence-based pathway to a nonreligious identity.

This critical stance sometimes extends to how Indigenous ways of knowing are positioned against what some participants termed “regular science.” While the Canadian government and many Indigenous scholars rightly advocate for recognizing Indigenous Science as a distinct, time-tested knowledge system, some Indigenous atheists in my research expressed a clear preference for empirical, non-supernatural explanations of the world, applying their skepticism broadly. This careful navigation of knowledge systems is also articulated by other Indigenous thinkers. David “Maheengun” Cook, an Anishinaabe atheist humanist, for example, emphasizes the importance of epistemological clarity, valuing cultural heritage alongside the distinct methods of scientific inquiry. [4].

Religious trauma also contributes significantly to Indigenous individuals becoming nonreligious. The devastating legacy of Canada’s residential schools is central here. These church-run institutions inflicted deep intergenerational harm. For many, this trauma directly leads to a rejection of organized religion and, for some, extends to all supernatural beliefs. A poignant familial example captures this sentiment: “I didn’t realize that it’s 100% a response to residential school. [My father’s] atheism isn’t just philosophical; it’s a direct reaction to religious trauma” [3]. Such responses to colonial religious imposition, framing atheism as a decolonizing act, are not unique to Canada. Similar motivations are found among Māori atheists in Aotearoa New Zealand, who often view the rejection of colonial religion as a form of resistance and cultural reclamation [5].

The experience of being an Indigenous atheist is often marked by navigating stigma. Many of my participants felt societal pressure to believe, and worried about being judged, sometimes fearing that openly identifying as atheist could be seen as a betrayal of their culture or as not being “‘Native’ enough” [1]. This pressure to conform can lead to what I term “navigating disclosure,” where individuals carefully manage how and when they reveal their nonbelief.

The growing presence of Indigenous nonbelievers has important consequences for ongoing reconciliation efforts. Reconciliation aims to build a renewed, respectful relationship between Indigenous peoples and Canadian society. If public understanding and institutional responses are based on the conflation of Indigeneity and spirituality, however, these efforts may fall short. For example, initiatives creating “smudge-friendly spaces” in public institutions, while intended to affirm Indigenous cultures, are centered on a spiritual practice. This focus can inadvertently marginalize Indigenous atheists, agnostics, or those of other faiths. While the provision of culturally relevant spiritual support is rightly seen as vital for many Indigenous individuals seeking to connect with their heritage and find healing, particularly in challenging environments such as correctional facilities [6], it is equally important that public understanding and institutional responses do not presume universal spirituality. Such presumptions risk deepening what my research identifies as a growing divide within Indigenous communities between those who practice traditional spirituality and those who embrace a more secular and naturalistic worldview [1]. Inclusivity requires acknowledging the full spectrum of Indigenous (non)belief.

A nuanced perspective is also important in areas like healthcare. My research found that for some participants, “spirituality” was associated with “complementary and alternative medicine, magic, and various contemplative practices,” and some expressed concern that “spirituality and pseudoscience often went together” [1]. While traditional Indigenous medicines hold cultural value, some nonreligious Indigenous people may prioritize evidence-based medical treatments exclusively, particularly if they perceive some traditional spiritual healing practices as lacking empirical support. An overemphasis on traditional spirituality in healthcare, without acknowledging secular or skeptical Indigenous perspectives, can create tension. Recognizing diverse Indigenous viewpoints is key to developing healthcare that is both culturally sensitive and medically effective.

A critical advancement in Indigenous studies and related disciplines necessitates moving beyond simplistic, spiritualized conceptualizations of Indigenous peoples. Future research must prioritize the recognition of Indigenous individuals as contemporary subjects possessing a wide spectrum of beliefs, experiences, and identities. Engaging with this inherent heterogeneity does not constitute a dilution of Indigenous identity; rather, it affirms its dynamism and resilience.

Endnotes

[1] Simmons, J. (2024). Indigenous Atheists in Canada: Challenging Assumptions and Navigating Belonging. Secular Studies, 6(1), 62–83. [Page 64 for “By overlooking…”; Page 63 for “Jackie” quote; Page 74 for “Native enough”; Page 71 for “spirituality and pseudoscience”]. doi:10.1163/25892525-bja10060.

[2] Statistics Canada. (2022). Table 98-10-0288-01 Religion by Indigenous identity: Canada, provinces and territories. Release date: October 26, 2022. Retrieved from https://tinyurl.com/37z6n4tn.

[3] Simmons, J. (forthcoming 2026). De-Converting from North American Religious Traditions. In The Oxford Handbook of Apostasy and Religious Deconversion. Eds. Zuckerman and Zamușinski.

[4] Jacobsen, S. D. (2025, April 22). Navigating Indigenous Identity and Atheist Humanism. Humanists International Blog. (https://humanists.international/blog/navigating-indigenous-identity-atheism-humanism/; the content is based on an interview with David “Maheengun” Cook).

[5] Rahmani, M., Adds, P., & Senanayake, R. (2024). Māori atheism: a decolonising project? Kōtuitui: New Zealand. Journal of Social Sciences Online, 19(4), 522-541. doi:10.1080/1177083X.2024.2333544. Available at https://doi.org/10.1080/1177083X.2024.2333544

[6] See, for example, Tetrault, J. E. C. (2022). Indigenizing Prisons: A Canadian Case Study. Crime and Justice, 51(1), 637-680. doi:10.1086/720943. Tetrault’s research highlights the value incarcerated Indigenous peoples place on Indigenized programming, including spiritual supports, for cultural connection and healing.